Dozens of Rakhine people were killed amidst the Rohingya terrorist attacks in border town of Maungdaw
in Rakhine State, the western part of Myanmar on Friday. Due to the
violence, hundreds of houses and buildings were burnt down by mobs. The
death toll in the incident has reached 20 to 30 until the night of 8
June and the injured persons nearby villages of Maundaw Township have
been taken to Maungdaw hospital. The onset of the violence on 8 June
was that the Rohingya Muslims who returned from the mosque yesterday
afternoon started throwing the stones to the Rakhine houses and
buildings in Maungdaw Township.
As the riots could not be controlled, the police forces
took security measures in the town where Muslims are majority and
Rakhine people are minority. Rohingya mobs were setting fire on the
nearby villages of Rakhine ethnics, said a Buddhist monk who resides in
Maungdaw Township.
Due to these unrests, the State-owned media aired the announcement of Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure
Code (Curfew) which states people are not to go outside between 18:00
pm and 06:00 am in Maungdaw and Buthedaung townships. In contrary to
the reporting of foreign media, the army
did not fire at the mobs, but just warning shots to the riot to help
the security measures of police forces.Among the more than 60
videotapes that the American cable television
network CNN obtained from al-Qaeda's archives in Afghanistan in August
this year, one marked "Burma" (Myanmar) purports to show Muslim
"allies" training
in that country. While the group shown, the Rohingya Solidarity
Organization (RSO), was founded by Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar's
Rakhine State and claims to be fighting for autonomy or independence
for its people, the tape was, in fact, shot in Bangladesh.
The RSO, and
other Rohingya factions, have never had any camps inside Myanmar, only
across the border in Bangladesh. The camp in the video is located near
the town of Ukhia, southeast of Cox's Bazaar, and not all of the RSO's
"fighters" are Rohingyas from Myanmar.
The Rohingyas,
who are Muslims and speak the same language as the population in the
Chittagong area of Bangladesh, are not regarded by the government in
Yangon as an indigenous race. Hundreds of thousands of them fled across
the border to Bangladesh during a crackdown in 1978, and militant
groups soon emerged among the refugees. The UN eventually intervened,
and most of the Rohingyas
were repatriated to Myanmar. However, in 1991 and 1992, another wave
of 250,000 refugees came across the border, and while most of them have
also been repatriated, more than 20,000 remain in United Nations High
Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) supervised camps southeast of Cox's
Bazaar. An estimated 100,000 Rohingyas live outside the UNHCR's camps,
and it is among these destitute and stateless people that various
Islamist militant groups have found fertile ground for recruitment.
The RSO was set up in the early 1980s when radical
elements among the Rohingyas broke away from the more moderate main
grouping, the Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF). Led by a medical doctor from Arakan, Muhammad Yunus, it soon became the main and most militant faction among the Rohingyas
in Bangladesh and on the border. Given its more rigid religious stand,
the RSO soon secured the support of like-minded groups in the Muslim
world. These included the Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh and Pakistan, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hizb-e-Islami in Afghanistan, Hizb-ul-Mujahideen
(HM) in Jammu and Kashmir, and Angkatan Belia Islam sa-Malaysia (ABIM)
- the Islamic Youth Organization of Malaysia. Afghan instructors have
been seen in some of the RSO camps along the Bangladesh-Burma border,
while nearly 100 RSO rebels were reported to have undergone training in
the Afghan province of Khost with Hizb-e-Islami Mujahideen.
The RSO's main
military camp was located near the hospital that the
Rabitat-al-Aalam-al-Islami had built at Ukhia. At this stage, the RSO
acquired a substantial number of Chinese-made RPG-2 rocket launchers,
light machine-guns, AK-47 assault rifles, claymore mines and explosives
from private arms dealers in the Thai town of Aranyaprathet near the
border with Cambodia, which in the 1980s emerged as a major arms bazaar
for guerrilla movements in the region. These weapons were siphoned off
from Chinese arms shipments to the resistance battling the Vietnamese
army in Cambodia, and sold to any one who wanted, and could afford, to
buy them.
The Bangladeshi
media gave extensive coverage to the RSO buildup along the border, but
it soon became clear that it was not only Rohingyas who were undergoing
training in its camps. Many, it turned out, were members of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), the youth organization of Bangladesh's Jamaat-e-Islami, and came from the University
of Chittagong, where a "campus war" was being fought between Islamist
militants and more moderate student groups. The RSO was, in fact,
engaged in little or no fighting inside Myanmar.
It is unclear when
the now-famous videotape was shot, but it presumably dates from the
early 1990s, since by the late 1990s the RSO's training camps southeast
of Cox's Bazaar were taken over by Bangladeshi Islamist militants.
Bangladesh's main militant outfit, the Hakrat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI),
was formed in 1992, allegedly with financial support from Osama bin
Laden himself. HuJI now has an estimated strength of 15,000 followers
and is led by Shawkat Osman aka Maulana or Sheikh Farid in Chittagong.
Its members were recruited mainly from students of Bangladesh's more
than 60,000 madrassas (religious schools)
and called themselves the Bangladeshi Taliban. The group has become
notorious for masterminding violent attacks on Bangladesh's Hindu
minority, as well as on moderate Bangladeshi Muslims. In a statement
released by the US State Department on May 21, 2002, HuJI was described as a terrorist organization with ties to Islamist militants in Pakistan.
The existence of
firm links between the new Bangladeshi militants and al-Qaeda is
established through Fazlul Rahman, leader of the "Jihad Movement in
Bangladesh" (to which the HuJI belongs), when he signed the official
declaration of jihad against the United States on February 23, 1998.
Other signatories included bin Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri
(leader of the Jihad Group in Egypt), Rifa'i Ahmad Taha aka Abu-Yasir
(Egyptian Islamic Group) and Sheikh Mir Hamzah (secretary of the
Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Pakistan).
HuJI sent its own people, as well as Rohingya recruits, to
Afghanistan to fight for the Taliban and al-Qaeda. The Rohingyas,
especially, were given the most dangerous tasks in the battlefield,
clearing mines and portering. According to intelligence sources,
Rohingya recruits were paid 30,000 Bangladeshi taka
(US$525) on joining and then 10,000 taka per month. The families of
recruits killed in action were offered 100,000 taka. (While these
appear to be small sums in dollar terms, they are princely amounts in a
country where the annual per capita income works out to a bare $380.)
Recruits were taken mostly via Nepal to Pakistan, where they were
trained and sent on to military camps in Afghanistan. It is not known
how many people from this part of Bangladesh - Rohingyas and others -
fought in Afghanistan, but the number is believed to be quite
substantial. Others have gone to Kashmir and even Chechnya to join
forces with Islamist militants there.
In an interview with the CNN in December 2001, American Taliban
fighter John Walker Lindh relates that the al-Qaeda-directed Ansar
(Companions of the Prophet) Brigades, to which he had belonged in
Afghanistan, were divided along linguistic lines: Bengali, Pakistani
(Urdu) and Arabic, which suggests that the Bengali-speaking component -
Bangladeshi and Rohingya - must have been significant. It is now also
becoming clear that some militants fleeing the American strikes in
Afghanistan in late 2001 have ended up in Bangladesh. With the heavy
American presence in Pakistan, many militants who fled Afghanistan in
October and November 2001 have found it safer to hide in third
countries. In early 2002, a ship reportedly sailed from Karachi to
Chittagong carrying assorted militants from Afghanistan.
On May 10-11 2002, nine Islamist fundamentalist groups, including HuJI,
met at a camp near Ukhia South and formed the Bangladesh Islamic Manch
(association). The new umbrella organization includes groups
purporting to represent the Rohingyas and the Muslim Liberation Tigers
of Assam (MULTA), a small group operating in India's northeast. By
June, Bangladeshi veterans of the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan were
reported to be training members of the new alliance in at least two
camps in southern Bangladesh.
An internal document from HuJI
lists no less than 19 "training establishments" all over Bangladesh,
but it is uncertain how many of them actually offer military training.
What is certain, however, is that since a new coalition government led
by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) took over in October 2001,
Bangladesh's Islamist militants have become more vocal and active. The
coalition includes, for the first time, two ministers from the Jamaat.
The four-party electoral alliance that brought the new coalition
government to power also includes a smaller Islamic party, the Islamic
Oikya Jote, whose chairman, Azizul Huq, is a member of HuJI's advisory council.
The Bangladeshi
authorities have shown no sign of being willing to crack down on these
groups and their activities. On the contrary, after some adverse
international publicity about the rise of Islamist fundamentalism in
Bangladesh earlier this year, the government cracked down on the most
moderate of the Rohingya factions, the Arakan Rohingya National
Organization (ARNO), in Chittagong and Cox's Bazaar. ARNO has no known
links to al-Qaeda or any of Bangladesh's groups of Islamist militants.
It issued a strong statement condemning the crackdown and
disassociating itself from the militants. The RSO, on the other hand,
was not targeted by the Bangladeshi authorities.
For many years,
Bangladesh was seen as a moderate, even liberal, Muslim country. This
is evidently changing, and the formation of the Bangladesh Islamic
Manch in May this year clearly indicates that cooperation between the
country's Islamist militants is becoming closer. The presence of
trainers from Afghanistan and the arrival of more militants with
al-Qaeda connections, demonstrate their participation in an
international terrorist network.
-http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/DI21Df06.html
-http://www.first-11.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=14013&catid=42&Itemid=112
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